Military Action
Against Iraq
Friday 4 October
2002
Speaking to students at Edinburgh University,
John Barrett said:
"When I was elected to Parliament I was aware that at
some time in the future I might have to vote on whether to
send our country’s troops to war. With the current tension
over Iraq, the potential for military action is such that
a vote in the House of Commons may come sooner rather than
later.
"As with any military action there
is a risk of young men and women on both sides of any conflict
dying. As was recently shown in Afghanistan and earlier in
Kosovo, no action, however short or clinical, can guarantee
the safety of innocent civilians. We must never forget that
any action we take has the potential to make children orphans
or to take the lives of children themselves.
"When Parliament was recalled recently
to discuss Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction, Members
of Parliament were given a dossier containing the British
Government’s assessment of the current situation. This
included the history of Iraq’s warfare programmes from
1971, its involvement over 30 years in chemical and biological
warfare, the effects of chemical weapons, Iraq’s nuclear
programme, the attack on Halabja in 1988 when Saddam Hussein
used chemical weapons against his own people, killing 5,000
and injuring 10,000 more. The problems faced by previous weapons
inspectors and the breach of UN resolutions.
"Before the debate in Parliament, many
thought that this dossier would provide the evidence to convince
doubters about need for military action and that after the
evidence was published the case for military action would
have been clearly made. Having personally read the evidence,
this is certainly not the case.
"Despite the content of the dossier
there is no clear evidence Saddam is a greater threat than
he has been since the Gulf War. His potential as a future
threat is clear, but that itself is not grounds for military
action. Indeed there are a number of regimes around the world
that have a similar potential risk with some already having
amassed nuclear weapons. Yet quite rightly there is no mention
of military action against these regimes.
"The issue now being debated at length
is what should happen about weapons inspections. Should any
new UN resolution clearly state that force would be used if
it is not complied with, or will other alternatives be acceptable?
One thing is clear: the UN must not be used as a tool to allow
those who want military action to gain legitimacy that could
not otherwise be obtained.
"Following the Gulf War in 1991 the
UN Security Council passed a series of resolutions establishing
the right to carry out the work of dismantling Iraq’s
arsenal of chemical biological and nuclear weapons programmes
and long range ballistic missiles. Resolution 687 required
Iraq to accept, unconditionally, “the destruction, removal
or rendering harmless under international supervision”
of its chemical and biological weapons, ballistic missiles
with arrange of over 150Km along with stocks, components and
research facilities.
"The IAEA (International Atomic Energy
Agency) and UNSCOM (UN Special Commission) would report when
their work was done – they have not yet done so. The
inspectors were not able to do their job and they were also
denied access to massive areas designated “presidential
sites”. The USA and some others believe there is now
little likelihood that inspectors will be free to finish their
task without further strong resolutions backed by the threat
of force. These discussions are developing on a daily basis.
"If Iraq does not comply with any new
UN resolution it will then be up to the UN to decide what,
if any, action should be taken to enforce its resolution.
It must also be made clear that it is for the chief inspector
to report to the UN, not the USA, about the success or lack
of progress they have made.
"It will be this issue that may bring
us to the next step of deciding whether force should be used
to enforce any UN resolution.
"If military action is taken against
Iraq there will be no winners. There will always be a risk
that Saddam Hussein will make use of the weapons he holds,
either as a response or as a first strike. Either way the
result could be an escalation of military action within the
region or possibly a wider conflict. A missile launched by
Iraq against Israel, could have the effect of provoking a
response, which would unleash terrible consequences for the
entire Middle East region.If the USA can only find one country
in the world to support its course of action, it must think
again before moving ahead with that action. If the UK government
is a true friend of the American administration it will question
George Bush and make it clear that as a candid friend, we
will speak out rather than sit in silence. It is not being
anti-American to question their actions.
"It may be that at some time in the
future military action may be required, but it must always
be the last resort. It must also be consistent with international
law and must be authorised by the United Nations and endorsed
by the House of Commons.
"The Prime Minister has been pressed
strongly on this latter point repeatedly, Unfortunately, he
has still failed to confirm that the House of Commons will
in fact have a vote on whether or not our troops should be
involved in military action. If he does not agree to this
he will never be able to say with any conviction that the
country agrees with his actions.
"A Commons vote should not be something
for Tony Blair to fear but should be seen as an opportunity
for an open honest debate involving the people this country
elected just last year to represent their viewsI hope that
those in the House of Commons never have to make that decision,
but if we do, let us all hope we get it right."
Read
an update on Iraq, 26 November 2002
You can view the Government dossier Iraq's
Weapons of Mass Destruction (pdf format)
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