Speech on the
Situation in Darfur
1 April 2008
This April, many children in Darfur will reach their 5th
birthday never having known peace in their lifetime. This
is a human tragedy in a region where tragedy is all-too common
and where progress has been all-too rare. Since its independence
in 1956, Sudan has known just 11 years without conflict.
It is difficult to make a convincing argument today that
the situation in Darfur has improved since our last debate
- Indeed, in many ways the circumstances have deteriorated.
Today we are faced with a conflict that has become so rationalised
and habitual that even the top-level peace agreements we
have worked so hard to secure are looking less and less likely
to translate into an end to bloodshed on the ground. Since
the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) stalled, not only
has the prospect of securing a meaningful top-level peace
agreement receded, but also the likelihood that any agreement
would end fighting on the ground is in real doubt.
Since then, many rebel groups have splintered into smaller
factions often fighting each other as well as the Sudanese
Government, while recently we have watched as even the Janjaweed
militia have started turning on the Government in disputes
over pay and compensation. Conflict has become such a part
of life in the region that we risk raising a generation in
Darfur who have known only war.
The scale of the suffering has been
well documented today and in previous debates in this place
and there is no need to repeat the figures. However, when
two and a half million have been displaced and over a quarter
of a million have lost their lives it is imperative that
we do not look the other way. Today’s debate is a
timely opportunity for the Government (HMG) to outline
its position in a number of increasingly important areas.
First of all I would appreciate an update from the Minister
on progress towards implementation of the ill-fated Comprehensive
Peace Agreement (CPA). No-one here today will be expecting
particularly encouraging news but it is important to ensure
that it remains a priority for the international community.
Clearly, the deadline diplomacy that brokered the last agreement
has not achieved as much as we would have liked, it is important
that we recognise why this was the case.
One of the changes since last we
debated Darfur is the increasing role of Chad in the conflict.
What was once a side issue is increasing taking a central
role and it is now clear that there will be no realistic
hope of a peace settlement in the region without tackling
the worsening relationship between Sudan and Chad. Each
is accusing the other of supporting the rebels of the neighbour
while the overt attempts to bring down the government of
Chad cannot be allowed to continue. There has even been
a suggestion that the crisis in Darfur now seems to resemble
just one part of a wider regional war between Chad and
Sudan. We need to hear today what HMG’s
assessment is and what we are doing to involve the Government
of had.
The international community has been rightly criticised
for its slow response to violence against civilians in Darfur.
On this point, I believe it is worth making the observation
that, as we pass the 5 year anniversary of the Iraq invasion,
we must recognise that one of the key tragedies of Iraq is
that it has made it almost impossible to countenance even
the idea of humanitarian intervention in conflict zones like
Darfur. Make no mistake, the Sudanese government are well
aware of this and subsequently any threats of military intervention
ring hollow even if they were to be backed by UN resolutions.
Peacekeeping in Darfur now depends very much on the success
of the UNAMID hybrid force. Since UN Security Council Resolution
1769 was passed in July of last year there is understandably
great concern that so much of the 26,000 force has yet to
be identified yet alone deployed (It is currently 15,500
personnel short and has only half of the tactical helicopters
required). There can be no doubt that the Sudanese Government
are wilfully blocking progress wherever possible, imposing
bureaucratic barriers while other countries have been less
than forthcoming in response to requests for additional personal
and equipment, most notably helicopters. I appreciate that
there is only so much we can do to speed the process up,
but I would appreciate an update from the Minister today
on what exactly we are doing to bring matters to a head.
In this respect, we in the UK have a responsibility to ensure
that we are not inadvertently fuelling this conflict with
arms that we export elsewhere. I would appreciate a comment
from the Minister today on what action we are taking to ensure
that arms exported from our shores are not finding their
way to the Sudan or to neighbouring Chad.
However, as important as securing the deployment of the
hybrid force is, it ought not to disguise the fact that,
in the long-term, there must be a political solution to the
conflict. Even if fully deployed, there are legitimate doubts
that the hybrid force would be able to enforce any real degree
of stability across the region. It is imperative that we
do not focus all of our energies on securing full funding
for the hybrid force in the mistaken belief that this will
provide some kind of silver bullet.
Re-igniting the peace process is therefore vital and the
only credible long-term solution for the crises. It is in
no way controversial to say that there has been a general
lack of leadership when it comes to the mediation of the
peace process. I would like to hear from the Minister today
on what role we are playing to ensure that the peace process
exists in more than name only. We have to not only secure
a dedicated chief mediator (and I would welcome the Ministers
thoughts on who this will be) but we have to make absolutely
sure that the peace process is inclusive where the CPA was
not. For example, talks must include representatives of civil
society, the Arab tribes, and women and children.
China had for a long time been the
Elephant in the room in Darfur, a key political power in
the region but, until recently, unwilling to engage diplomatically
in any positive way. Recent weeks have seen some definite
progress in this respect and I would be grateful for any
insight the Minister can give into the talks held with
the Chinese Envoy for Africa and Darfur when he visited
the UK last month, and in particular, what representations
were made to him regarding China’s
consistent moves to block more forceful action by the UN
Security Council in Darfur.
Just as progress towards a peace
agreement has been stalled, the humanitarian situation
has deteriorated since the turn of the year (according
to the latest UN report). In West Darfur many NGO’s
have been forced to pull out after increased banditry has
made it impossible to operate safely or effectively. Of
course I am sure that everyone here today would pay tribute
to the brave staff, both Sudanese and others, who work
for charities and NGOs under the most challenging of circumstances.
What has the Governments role been in trying to ensure
not only that Aid workers can operate safely, but also
that humanitarian aid that has been pledged by donor countries
is actually delivered.
Perhaps the most disturbing aspect
of the humanitarian situation is the one to which I alluded
in my opening remarks; namely the impact of the conflict
on the children of Darfur. 1.8 million children have so
far been affected by the conflict in Darfur while 1 million
have been displaced and 800 remain unaccounted for. Those
who have been displaced are now spending their formative
years in camps and are understandably traumatised by what
they have seen. The lasting impact of this will only be
apparent in the difficult years ahead. The threat of kidnapping
and forced servitude as a child soldier is never far away
while the dearth of educational opportunity is clearly jeopardising
the future prospects of millions. A generation is growing
up who have known only war – unless we act now, it
may prove a difficult habit to break. I am sure that the
Minister will agree that one of the most keenly learnt lessons
from Sierra Leone is that any successful move towards post-conflict
peace building must have the needs and aspirations of the
next generation at its core or it will risk being hamstrung
from the start. I would welcome the Ministers thoughts on
what we can do to help the children of Darfur and to give
them a key role in any peace process. |
